➊ The Controversy: The Influence Of Body Language

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The Controversy: The Influence Of Body Language

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How to Read Body Language - The Behavior Panel: Chase Hughes, Mark Bowden, Scott Rouse, Greg Hartley

Oedipus: The King of Thebes and Tragic Hero Ancient Greek Literature encompasses an assortment of poetry and drama to include the great masterpieces of tragedy. In Classic Literature, tragedies were commonly known for their elaboration of a protagonist fitting the classification of a tragic hero. This type of a tragic hero often collectively described as a character of noble birth, facing an adversity of some nature and a fate of great suffering. The characteristics of what encompassed a tragic hero. One may argue that the Greek playwright, Sophocles modeled his play Oedipus Rex on Aristotle's definition and analysis of tragedy. Since according to Aristotle's definition, "A tragedy is an imitation of action that is serious, complete and of a certain magnitude; in language embellished artistic ornaments, the several kinds being found in separate parts of the play; in the form of action, not narrative with incidents that evokes pity and fear of a persons emotions.

Creon's Foil in Sophocles' Plays Contrary to the traditional definition of a foil, Creon is a foil to himself in Oedipus the King and Antigone, demonstrating the corrupting influence of power. Showing one man's life perfect, serving his King till blasphemy reasoning and being blood thirsty for power overtakes his actions until it is to late. In the First. Those who hold this belief hold that Oedipus made his own decisions, which is what led to his fall and that he was not compelled by some external source.

Vellacott is a strong supporter of this theory. Through out the years, there has been a lot of controversy on whether or not Death Of A Salesman is considered to be a tragedy, unlike Oedipus Rex which clearly is. I feel these two plays can compare in a multitude of ways despite being written in different historical times. Carney, who is now a tenured associate professor of management at the University of California, Berkeley, tried to chart a P-curve of all 33 studies they were mentioning in their paper which was already under review. Carney sent the paper and the P-curve to Nelson for some feedback, but he sent it on to Simmons and Simonsohn, as they were the experts. The letter Simmons wrote back to Carney was polite, but he argued that her P-curve had not been executed correctly.

He and Simonsohn had each executed P-curves of the 33 studies, and each found that it was flat, suggesting that the body of literature it reflected did not count as strong evidence. But afraid of public recrimination, they did exactly as he said — they took out the P-curve. A few weeks after the paper was published, Cuddy learned from Simmons and Simonsohn that they were writing a blog post on the paper. Cuddy was at her home office in Boston when she received an email from Simmons and Simonsohn. They showed her a draft of the post they planned to put online criticizing the paper; they invited feedback on anything the authors felt was incorrect or unfair. The post criticized the new paper, as well as the study. They did not include a feelings-of-power measure in the P-curve they showed.

Cuddy believes that studies can be constructed to minimize that risk and that demand effects are often nuanced. Cuddy responded to Simonsohn with a few points that they incorporated into the post but said she preferred to write a longer response in a context in which she felt more comfortable. Cuddy felt as if Simmons had set them up; that they included her TED talk in the headline made it feel personal, as if they were going after her rather than the work.

The post, which Simonsohn distributed to his email list of hundreds, quickly made the rounds. She paced around, distraught, afraid to look at her email, afraid not to. She had just put together a tenure package and worried that the dust-up would be a continuing distraction. Gelman wields his sizable influence on the field from afar, on his popular blog andrewgelman. Gelman, who studied math and physics at M. But he has devoted extensive attention to the field, especially in more recent years, in part because of the way the media has glorified social-psychology research.

He is respected enough that his posts are well read; he is cutting enough that many of his critiques are enjoyed with a strong sense of schadenfreude. Had he looked, he would have been annoyed to see that Cuddy did not include a mention of the Ranehill replication. But he might have been surprised to see how little of the book focused on power posing just a few pages. When he saw that Cuddy had been invited to speak at a conference, he wondered why the organizers had not invited a bunch of other famous figures he clearly considered bad for science, including Diederik Stapel, who had been accused of outright fraud.

His site became a home for frequently hostile comments from his followers. Another compared Cuddy to Elizabeth Holmes, the Theranos chief executive under investigation for misleading investors. Though Gelman did encourage his readers to stick to the science, he rarely reined anyone in. Gelman, whom I met in his office in late June, is not scathing in person; he is rather mild, soft-spoken even. He said it was Cuddy who was unrelenting. He later emailed me to make sure I was aware that she attacked him and Simmons and Simonsohn on a private Facebook page, without backing up her accusations with evidence; he was still waiting for a clear renunciation of the original paper on the hormonal effects of power posing. I was doing what they told me to do.

Gelman considers himself someone who is doing others the favor of pointing out their errors, a service for which he would be grateful, he says. Cuddy considers him a bully, someone who does not believe that she is entitled to her own interpretation of the research that is her field of expertise. Cuddy has asked herself what motivates Gelman. On Sept. For the past year, she had mostly stopped going to social-psychology conferences, feeling a chill from her community. Another social psychologist had told her that a graduate student asked if she really was friends with Cuddy. It was the kind of information Cuddy wished she did not have; her closest friends were told to stop passing on or commenting about that kind of thing, but acquaintances still did it.

She felt adrift in her field. She worried about asking peers to collaborate, suspecting that they would not want to set themselves up for intense scrutiny. She was not wrong to think that at least in some cases, it was fear, rather than lack of support for her, that kept people from speaking up. Two days before Cuddy received that text from a friend, Gelman once again posted about the power-posing research, but this time he issued a challenge to Dana Carney. She listed a number of methodological concerns she had, in retrospect, about the paper, most of which, Cuddy says, Carney had never raised with her. But Cuddy said she had never received notice that this kind of renunciation was coming.

This is how to do it! You should just ignore the bad study and go back to base line. Cuddy wrote a lengthy response to Carney that New York magazine published. New York, Slate and The Atlantic have closely reported on the replication movement. Then she stopped taking phone calls and went almost completely offline. As frail as she had been since her accident, she headed to an arena in Las Vegas and roused the crowd, a tiny woman on a giant stage, taking up space, making herself big, feeling the relief of feeling powerful. When I emailed Joe Simmons in July and asked to meet with him, he readily agreed but warned me that he does not check his email often.

When Simmons and I met, I asked him why he eventually wrote such a damning blog post, when his initial correspondence with Carney did not seem particularly discouraging. He and Simonsohn, he told me, had clearly explained to Cuddy and Carney that the supporting studies they cited were problematic as a body of work — and yet all the researchers did was drop the visual graph, as if deliberately sidestepping the issue. That apparent disregard for contrary evidence was, Simmons said, partly what prompted them to publish the harsh blog post in the first place.

But the email that Simmons and Simonsohn had sent was, in fact, ambiguous: They had explicitly told her to drop the P-curve and yet left the impression that the paper was otherwise sound. At my request, Simmons looked back at his original email. I watched as he read it over. He had a pained look on his face. This may be a big misunderstanding about — that email is too polite. Cuddy and Carney had taken their advice literally.

Simmons stood by his analysis but recognized that there was confusion at play in how they interpreted the events that transpired. Simmons says he harbored no ill will toward Cuddy before criticizing her paper; if anything, he remembered her warmly. Because I realized that once we pulled the trigger on this. Cuddy had, in fact, become the poster girl for this kind of work, which even he thought was not fair. For a moment, the scientist allowed the human element to factor into how he felt about his email response to that paper. The public nature of the attacks against Cuddy have reverberated among social psychologists, raising questions about the effects of harsh discourse on the field and particularly on women. In , municipalities were renamed; all counties were given new names in ; and several of the largest cities were renamed in the s; notably Kristiania became Oslo and Fredrikshald became Halden , for example.

Some of these changes were less popular. For example, some residents of Sandviken were none too pleased about the "radical" change to Sandvika , nor were many in nearby Fornebo willing to accept Fornebu. The greatest controversy erupted over the city of Trondheim , which had until then been known as Trondhjem , but in the middle ages era had been called Nidaros. After the authorities had decided—without consulting the population—that the city should be renamed Nidaros , a compromise was eventually reached, with Trondheim.

A teacher, Knut Grimstad , refused to accept this on the grounds that neither the school district nor the Norwegian national authorities had the right to impose a version of a spoken language as instruction. He found support in the resolution that required that all students—"as much as possible"—should receive instruction in a language close to their native tongue. This was subsequently clarified to mean that they were supposed to be taught in "the Norwegian language", a phrase also open to interpretation.

Grimstad was forced to apologize for the form of his protest, but the issue nevertheless came up in parliament in This became one of the first political challenges for the new Konow cabinet, falling under the auspices of Edvard Appoloniussen Liljedahl , the minister of churches and education. For his rebuke of Grimstad's position, he was vilified by his own. The ascent of the Norwegian Labour Party turned out to be decisive in passing the reforms, and one Labour politician— Halvdan Koht —was in the early s asked to develop the party's political platform for the Norwegian language. He published his findings in and framed them in a decidedly political context.

He wrote that "The struggle for the people's language is the cultural side of the labor movement. The reforms, proposed under the first durable Labour cabinet of Johan Nygaardsvold , represented a radical departure from previous reforms. The reforms clearly aspired to bring the two languages closer together and predictably angered advocates in each camp. The occupation of Norway by Nazi Germany from to took the language issue off the national political scene. The Quisling government rescinded the reforms and made some changes of its own, but as with virtually everything Quisling did, this was rendered null and void by the post-war Norwegian government.

As it turned out, the war set the Nynorsk movement back substantially. In , concerned parents primarily from the affluent western neighborhoods of Oslo organized the "parents' campaign against Samnorsk" foreldreaksjonen mot samnorsk , which in included "correcting" textbooks. It set the standard for two of the capital's main daily newspapers, Aftenposten and Morgenbladet. It also contributed to the reversal of the "Oslo decision" in The council was convened with 30 representatives, 15 from each of the main languages. However, most of them supported Samnorsk. In , a minor reform passed with little fanfare and controversy: in spoken official Norwegian, numbers over 20 were to be articulated with the tens first, e.

Rather, he appealed to the Nynorsk movement to join forces against the common enemy he found in Samnorsk. As a government agency and monopoly that has traditionally been strongly associated with the Nynorsk-supporting Norwegian Labour Party , NRK was required to include both languages in its broadcasts. However, Smebye was effectively disallowed from performing on television and ended up suing and prevailing over NRK in a supreme court case. With the reforms, the issue seems to have been resolved—everyone in NRK could use their own natural spoken language.

As its first major work, the language council published in new standards for textbooks. The purpose of a unified standard was to avoid multiple versions of standard books to accommodate "moderate", "radical", and "conservative" versions of the languages. The standard was by its nature a continuation of the convergence movement toward the ever-elusive goal of Samnorsk. However, it appeared that the attempt was the last gasp of the Samnorsk movement. After this, the Norwegian Labour Party decided to depoliticize language issues by commissioning expert panels on linguistic issues.

In January , a committee was convened by Helge Sivertsen , minister of education, with Professor Hans Vogt as its chair. Its purpose was to defuse the conflict about language in Norway and build an atmosphere of mutual respect. Still, the Vogt committee promoted convergence as a virtue. The Norwegian countercultural movement and the emergence of the New Left sought to disassociate itself from the conservative establishment in many ways, including language.

The first debate on Norwegian EU membership leading to the referendum gave new meaning to rural culture and dialects. The Nynorsk movement gained new momentum, putting rural districts and the dialects more in the center of Norwegian politics. The recommendation by the council was formally approved by parliament in in what was known as the "liberalization resolution" liberaliseringsvedtaket. On 13 December the Samnorsk ideal was finally officially abandoned when the Ministry of Culture and Church affairs sent out a press release to that effect. The primary motivation for this change in policy was the emerging consensus that government policy should not prohibit forms that are in active use and had a strong basis in the body of Norwegian literary work.

So-called secondary forms sideformer were abolished.

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